CIVILIAN COUPS: THREAT TO DEMOCRACY

Coups have historically been associated with military takeovers but the emergence of civilian coups presents a complex challenge to democracy in Africa.

There is so much focus on military coups and not on unconstitutional change in government in Africa. Unconstitutional change in government is more than just military coups.

Civilian coups have often been associated with democratic backsliding and attempts to change constitutional limits on presidential terms. Leaders seeking to extend their rule have faced opposition from citizens and in some cases, the military.

Civilian coups are happening in many countries in Africa including Zimbabwe, Guinea Conakry and Gabon. In Burkina Faso, protests erupted when Blaise Compaoré attempted to change the constitution to remain in power. During the last election in Gabon, Ali Bongo closed the country’s borders, shut down the internet, restricted international observers amidst strong allegations from the opposition, imposed night curfew after voting had taken place, among other undemocratic measures.

A civilian coup abducts an entire country; a military coup abducts one person who is capable of abducting the entire country. Both are abductions. Sometimes, coup leaders metamorphose into sit-tight leaders and the whole euphoria goes up again in a bubble.

Merely equating democracy to periodic elections would not appear to be sufficient; there are also governance issues. African leaders have utilized provisions from the existing constitutions or even changed the constitutions to get extended term limits.

 Part of the crisis of elective governance in Africa is the crisis of interminable presidency. Sit-tight leaders have refused to leave, leading to the overthrow of long-standing leaders. In countries like Sudan (2019), Zimbabwe (2017), and Burkina Faso (2014), citizens grew weary of leaders who had held power for decades.

People are finding that they have no option for turning over governments whose contingent legitimacies have expired. The legitimacy from elections is time-specific and it needs to be continually renewed. But governments make it impossible for people to exercise that option to renew that legitimacy properly, making democratic choice to become strangulated.

Civilian coups pose a significant threat to the democratic progress made on the continent in recent decades. The coups involve non-military actors, often individuals or groups from within the government or political elite, using extra-constitutional means to seize power or manipulate the political process. Such coups entail the manipulation of democratic institutions, electoral processes, or the constitution to perpetuate power.

A few years ago, some western powers intervened in Cote d’Ivoire to save democracy, and Alassane Ouattara was sworn in as the president. Ouattara entrenched himself in government by changing the constitution to enable him go for a third term in office. We now see some other leaders entrenching their children and cronies.

President Paul Kagame came to power in 2000 in Rwanda after fighting his way into government. To have a stronghold in power, he was accused of tweaking the constitution in his favour.

In 2013, General Abdel Fattah el-Sisi took over power in Egypt by ousting President Mohammed Morsi who himself was democratically elected. The rules of the AU under the African Charter on democracy, elections and governance state that those who plot coups should not use the opportunity of incumbency from a coup to legalise themselves in office. General el-Sisi went on to organize an election in which he was the only credible candidate. Available statistics reveal that he allocated himself about 95% of the votes in that election. The AU did not just recognize him, they went on to make him the chairperson of the organisation.

In 2020, people died when Alpha Conde tried to make himself life president in Guinea Conakry. ECOWAS and AU recognized his regime.

In Chad the son of former President, Idriss Deby, is Mahamat Deby a General himself, who took over power following the death of his father in 2021. Former chairperson of the AU, Moussa Faki Mahamat who used to be General Deby’s foreign minister created an exception for Idriss Deby’s son in the AU’s rules governing unconstitutional changes in government, making what happened in Chad legitimate and lawful.

ECOWAS and the AU should do much more than what they are doing currently. The fact that AU could not help its former chairperson Jean Ping in Gabon to maintain a quality of balance in the election in 2016, just advertises the extent of AU’s weakness. AU has remained silent on civilian coups (when elections are manifestly and rampantly rigged and brought into disrepute) but condemns only military coups.

ECOWAS has protocols on good governance and development which spell out how member countries are supposed to practise democracy. The AU has the African Peer Review Mechanism and other instruments put in place to assess governance and development. There is also NEPAD.  But the major factor against successful implementation of these protocols is that most of African leaders have the same characteristics of ‘sit-tightism.’ They are guilty of usurping constitutional government indirectly through flawed elections. They cannot be the judge in their own case. They remain in power through kangaroo referendums.

Civilian coups should be treated with just the same degree of vehemence that military coups are treated. That way, we know we are fighting the same virus.

The consequences of civilian coups can be dire for the affected country. Democracy is undermined, and this could lead to authoritarianism. There is political instability, which can deter foreign investment, and hinder economic development. Human rights are abused including suppression of dissent and crackdowns on civil society organizations. The destabilizing effect of civilian coups may lead to refugee crises, and cross-border conflicts.

Addressing the challenge of civilian coups in Africa requires a multi-faceted approach. Understanding the underlying consequences of the coups is essential for devising effective strategies to prevent and address them. By strengthening democratic institutions, promoting good governance, and addressing socio-economic challenges, African nations can work towards a more stable and democratic future. International cooperation and support for these efforts will also play a vital role in mitigating the threat of civilian coups in Africa.

Moses Amadi