Africa has witnessed several coups and attempted coups in recent years, raising concerns about the stability of governance, and socio-economic challenges across the continent. While each coup has its unique context and triggers, governance issues are some of the undeniable similarities that reflect the continent’s common struggles.
With the exception of some countries like Zimbabwe and Sudan, all the coups in Africa since 2017 (and there have been about 11 of them, and about 22 attempted coups since 2013), have taken place in French-speaking territories.
There are historical discontents and increasing disillusionments that brought the Francophone countries to this point. Some of the factors could be traced to the cold relationship between some of these countries and France, and the difficulty in denying the destructive effects of the actions of French politicians like Jacques Foccart on the African continent.
People from Francophone countries believe that French influence has been the reason for discernible threads of discontent which have bound the coups together. France has its military bases in its former colonies in Africa and compels Francophone citizens to be trained by its (French) officers; they also send their natural resources to France. For instance, Niger deposits about 80% of its reserves in France. Democratic chances are said to be precluded in these countries and their leaders have not performed to a level to justify any fidelity with the people.
In Mali, the ruling party was not just satisfied with winning elections, they went further to use the constitutional court to suppress the opposition. That was part of what led to the popular uprising in Mali. The French overreach was demonstrated by deploying Operation Barkhane in Mali to respond to what was supposed to be Islamic violence but in reality people saw it as an extension of imperial French design in the French sahelian territory. Rather than help, French deployment of Barkhane into Mali created a contagion of revulsion against perceptions of French overreach. Mali has broken off about 11 Accords with France including the Defence Accord. Burkina Faso has also broken off from the double taxation policy that favours France.
The power struggle between civilian governments and the military left Mali in a state of uncertainty, as seen in the 2021 coup, where the military seized power just months after a civilian transitional government was established.
It is reported that in Guinea, Alpha Conde who would have been an opposition politician used incumbency to set aside the constitution that brought him to power and gave himself life presidency, leaving the people with no option. As a result, the military overthrew him and the people supported the coup.
In Niger, there is a slightly unique situation in which a mix of Islamic violence and nation building issues including ethnicity matters constituted themselves into the reasons why the military struck. But the Niger junta has proposed a 3-year transition period which could be described as a negotiating position or bargaining point. It is now left for ECOWAS leaders to find ways of taking advantage of this window to negotiate a shorter time for transition.
It was alleged that President Paul Biya did not campaign in the last election in Cameroun and he was announced the winner. He resorted to such indignity partly because of the cult that has been created around them.
In DR Congo, Mobutu Sese Seko was not preparing for any succession or future leaders until Laurent Kabila came to power in a country that was disgruntled. Congo could be said to be in transition, perhaps the only country in the world that has had one president and four vice presidents. It was said to be an opportunity for them to change so that there could be some democracy. Sadly, this has remained a distant hope.
Younger generations, frustrated by unemployment, corruption, and lack of opportunities, took to the streets to demand change. This was evident in the Sudanese protests against Omar al-Bashir and the Zimbabwean protests against Robert Mugabe. Sudan’s economic crisis and the alleged corruption under Omar al-Bashir’s regime, for example, were central issues leading to the 2019 coup.
What is happening in French-speaking West Africa could be described as the ‘Francophone Spring,’ as evidenced in the military interventions in Burkina Faso, Mali, Guinea Conakry, Chad, Niger and Gabon. Except Gabon, what is happening in these other countries could at best be described as the ideological realignments of their economic, political, and social values. The coup d’etat in Gabon is the 5th in Africa after the overthrow in Niger, and represents the 8th since 2020 in West and Central Africa.
France had a revolution in the 1700s when they abolished the monarchy, and pulled down the feudal system leading to a dramatic change in the political landscape. So, most of the coups happening predominantly in former French colonies may not be a surprise to them.
In the 90s when the wave of democracy swept across Africa, one thought that there was going to be hope. There were constitutional conferences in an attempt to deepen democracy. The late Prof. Claude Ake delivered a lecture in one of the Guardian Annual Lecture series titled “Is Africa Democratising?” Regrettably, about 30 years down the line, tangible benefits of democracy are yet to be felt on the African continent.
There seems to be no appreciable efforts to suggest that the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the African Union (AU) have done anything about the ongoing economic and political coups that are being imposed on the 14 former French colonies for decades.
In Africa, democracy has become more apparent than real. Many African leaders have taken periodic elections as sign of democracy without knowing that democracy encompasses good governance which empowers institutions, among other machinery of government.
Government is a social contract between the leaders and the governed. The power entrusted on leaders is for them to use it for the good of the people. If people revolt, it means the democratically elected government is not doing what it is supposed to do. The democratic space has been so shrunk that the people cannot rise up to defend democracy the way they should. As a result, the military use the instrument of coercion to take over power.
Youth-led protests, economic woes, regional and international scrutiny, and democratic backsliding are some of the recurring themes leading to the overthrow of long-standing leaders. Understanding these commonalities is essential for addressing the root causes of coups and finding solutions to prevent future political instability. Ultimately, Africa’s path to stability and progress lies in fostering transparent governance, addressing economic disparities, and ensuring that the voices of its citizens, especially the youth, are heard and heeded in shaping the continent’s future.
What is happening in Francophone countries is a very significant movement. It will not be out of place if France reconsiders its position very seriously in terms of its foreign policies in Africa. With every crisis, new opportunities arise. What this presents to Africa now is an opportunity to begin to renegotiate its trade and economic policies with France.
Liberal democracy is retrogressing in Africa even though things appear to be working in countries like Botswana and Namibia. In Mozambique, Joaquim Chissano left office a free man and with a good name. In Botswana, the former President, Ketumile Joni Masire, at one point, resigned his job in the middle of his term because he felt it was better for the younger ones to take over power and move democracy forward. People clamoured for him to come back but he was satisfied with one term. He wanted democracy to take its course.
However, with the current state of affairs, even if the UN organizes election here in Africa, it will fail because of state capture. It is difficult for new entrants to break in. This basically is bringing the idea of democracy into disrepute.
The solution is not in reshuffling the military by leaders of countries like Cameroun, Uganda and Rwanda. In fact, this could actually precipitate a coup. Leaders should begin to transit themselves out of power and allow democracy and development to flourish.
Development is actually what sustains democracy even though there has been the argument over the years that the practice of democracy will bring about development. With the crisis in some of the African countries, it is clear that development sustains democracy. Africa needs to fashion out a democratic system of government that is in tune with local peculiarities.
There should be a transcendental progression towards development so that in the next couple of years, the continent will see the consolidation and sustenance of democracy that can fit into the structural dynamics of African countries.
Moses Amadi
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